American Museum of Natural History
Part III. — The Chuckchee — Social Organization by W. Bogoras 1909
Leiden, E. J. BRILL Ltd.,
Printers and Publishers, 1904.
New York, G, E. STECHERT & Co.
XVIII. — ORGANIZATION OF FAMILY AND FAMILY-GROUP.
Man in the Family. — The units of social organization among the Chukchee are quite unstable, excepting the family, which forms the basis of the social relations between members of the tribe. Even family ties are not absolutely binding, and single persons often break them and leave their family relations. Grown-up sons frequently leave their parents and go away to distant localities in search of a fortune. The youths of the Reindeer tribe descend to the coast, and those of the Maritime Chukchee go inland to live with the reindeer-breeders. Not a few of the Chukchee tales open with a description of the life of a lone man who does not know any other people, and who lives in a wild place. It may be said that a lone man living by himself forms the real unit of Chukchee society. Even woman, whose social position is much inferior to that of man, sometimes breaks away from father or husband and goes to live with other people, though the family may pursue her, and, if she is caught, bring her back by force. Such cases will be described later on in detail.
I do not know of any cases of this kind happening among the Tungus, where the family and clan organization are much stronger. Tungus families often separate from, the clan in search of new hunting-grounds, but a single person never leaves his family, and even an isolated family will retain the memory of its connection with the clan for a long time. The Lamut of the Chaun country, who consist of stragglers from all the clans living farther to the south, still consider themselves as belonging to particular clans, though this connection has at present no real force, because of the distance of their habitat from that of their clans. No such remembrance lingers among Chukchee who have left their families. Once separated, they are entirely separated from them.
System of Relationship. — In the Chukchee system of relationship the paternal line preponderates to a marked degree over the maternal. The first is designated as ‘that coming from the old male (buck)’ (kirfiai’pu-wa’lin, also kire’-tu’mgin, {Kire’-tu’mgin or kira’-taka’lhin means also generally ‘older relative,’ kire’-yi’emit-tu’mgin, ‘older brother.’ For taka’lhun see p. 540.} ‘old male [buck] mate’) or as ‘that coming from the penis’ (yalh’pu-wa’lin). The second is designated as ‘that coming from the matrix’ (kiyolh’pu-wa’lin). The paternal relatives are also called ‘those of the same blood’ (Enne’n-mu’Lilit), meaning the blood with which the usual sacrificial anointment is administered. It has been stated before {Compare p. 360.} that at the time of ceremonials the people paint their faces with blood, and that persons of the same paternal line of descent use the same marks, which descend from generation to generation. In the same sense, people of the same paternal descent, the ‘old male companions,’ are also called ‘those of the same fire’ (Enna’n-yi’nla3t), because they have community of fire. Paternal relationship is considered to be much stronger than maternal relationship. There is a Chukchee saying which has it that even a distant relative on the father’s side is much nearer to the heart than a maternal cousin. The terms of relationship are as follows: —
A3ttu’uL3n (‘fore-goer’) — Forefather.
Ya’aLa3n (‘behind-goer’) — Descendant.
Mi’rgin {One can also say ELi’w-mi’rgin (‘paternal grandfather’) and ELa’-me’rgin (‘maternal grandfather’), though generally the first part of the word is omitted. Children use also the terms apai’nin (‘grandfather’) and epe’qi (‘grandmother’), which are, the former an augmentative, and the latter a diminutive, form from e’pl (‘father’). The latter word, however, is rarely used, and belongs rather to the Koryak language. Another diminutive, epe’pil (literally, ‘little father’), is attributed to the Christian priest, and with this meaning it has been adopted by the Chukchee.} — Grandfather and great-uncle.
ew-mi’rgin (e, ew, ‘woman’) — Grandmother and great-aunt.
Endi’w — Uncle, {These may be distinguished as ELi’hmdiw (‘paternal uncle’) and ELa’ndw (‘maternal uncle’).} paternal and maternal.
Eai’— Aunt, {Uncles and aunts once removed are designated by the same terms.} paternal and maternal.
ELi’hm (address: a’t, ‘papa’) — Father.
ELa’ (address: ‘mm, ‘mamma’) {‘mm probably means the mother’s breast, ‘t and ‘mm are used mostly by young children, mpina’hin and inple’, which, according to Nordquist, were mentioned by several authors as terms for ‘father’ and ‘mother’ respectively, in reality have the meaning ‘old man’ and ‘old woman.’ Both are derived from inp, the root of the adjective ni’npiqn (‘he is old’).} — Mother.
ELi’hit (‘fathers’) — Parents.
Yi’emit-tu’mgin {In all derivations, only the first stem is used. Tu’mgitum (pl. tu’mgit, stem tu’mgi) means ‘companion,’ ‘mate,’ also ‘kinsman.’ A husband, speaking of his wife, calls her gumni’n tu’mgitum (my mate’). Gretu’mgilin means ‘one with companions,’ ‘one with kinsmen,’ ‘one with influence.’ It is used as a compound in several terms referring to degrees of relationship, in various combinations, sometimes only between males, at other times only between females, and even also between males and females.} (‘fellow-brother’) — Brother.
Ine’elin — Elder brother.
ELe’i — Younger brother. {The terms for ‘elder brother’ and ‘younger brother’ are relative, i.e., all brothers older than myself are my me’elit, and all biothers younger than myself are my ELe’nyut (pl.) More detailed terms are used as follows: na’n-Ina’alin, ‘the oldest brother,’ na’n-ELa’, ‘the youngest brother,’ wu’thrte3n, ‘the middle (brother).’ ine’elin (‘elder brother’) and ELe’i (‘younger brother’) are used both by males and females, but the former term is pronounced by women mi’nelin, according to the rules of female pronunciation, in which contractions are avoided. The elder sister is also called ine’elin or ine’nelin (by males and females). ELe’i is used for the younger brother only.}
a’kiht — Sister (said by male).
I’npii-a’kiht — Elder sister (said by male).
Wu’thit-a’kiht or wu’thite3n — Middle sister (said by male).
e’na-a’kiht (‘younger sister’) — Younger sister (said by male).
a’kt-t’mgin (‘sister-mate’) — Sister (said by female).
I’npii-a’kt-t’mgin (‘elder sister-mate’) — Elder sister (said by female).
Wu’thit-a’kt-t’mgin (‘middle sister-mate’) — Middle sister (said by female).
‘na-a’kt-t’mgin (‘younger sister-mate’) — Younger sister (said by female).
Y3‘lhi-t’mgin (‘cousin-mate’), more rarely
Ys‘lo — Male cousin, paternal and maternal.
aw-y3‘lhi-t’mgin (in respect to male cousins) {Women use the term aw’gl, which is the female pronunciation of aw-y3‘lhi.} — Female cousin, paternal and maternal.
E’kik — Son.
e’ekik — Daughter.
ELu’ (pl. ELu’wgot) — Grandson and nephew.
aum’ — Grand-daughter and niece.
ELo’o-t’mgin {Female pronunciation, ELu’wgo-t’mgin. eloo and ELu’e are related.} — Parents’ cousin’s son.
auLo’o-t’mgin {Female pronunciation, auLu’wgo-t’mgin. Women among themselves use simply the term aw’gl.} — Parents’ cousin’s daughter.
Of all these terms, a collective may be formed by means of the word -ret, -rat, which signifies ‘collection,’ ‘set,’ and is used only in combination with others. Thus, yiemre’t, ‘company of brothers,’ ak’ttirat, ‘company of sisters’ (in regard to the male relatives), y3‘lhirat, ‘company of male cousins,’ kret, ‘company of boys’ (k shortened for kmi’in, ‘boy,’ ‘child’).
The fourth degree of relationship is designated by means of the stem yi’lhi, which signifies ‘link,’ ‘junction.’ Thus, yi’lhi-mi’rgin, ‘great-grandfather,’ yilh-ELu’, ‘great-grandson,’ yilhiLo’o-t’mgin, ‘male cousin twice removed,’ etc.
The more remote degrees of relationship are designated as ime’kin, ‘the near one,’ or ie’tkin, ie’Le, ‘kinsman.’ The compass of the second term is larger than that of the first.
All degrees of step-relations are designated with the suffix -lql, meaning ‘intended for.’ {For instance, uw’3quilql (‘intended for husband’), ‘bridegroom,’ e’wnliql (‘intendedfor wife’), ‘bride.’} Thus ELi’hilql, ‘step-father,’ ELa’lql, step-mother,’ also, in polygamous families, ‘another wife of my father,’ ee’kkelql, ‘step-son,’ nee’kkelql, ‘step-daughter,’ yi’emit-tu’mglql, ‘step-brother,’ ak’ttilql, ‘step-sister’ (in repect to the brother), etc. Even new-mi’rgilql, ‘step-grandmother,’ is often used in polygamous families.
Affinity is designated as follows: —
Mata’lin {From the verb mata’rkm (‘thou takest,’ ‘thou takest to wife’).} — Father-in-law.
aw-mata’lin — Mother-in-law.
intu’ulpEr — Son-in-law.
Inte’ — Daughter-in-law.
Aa’w-mata’lin {Aa’k means ‘young man,’ e’us.qt means ‘woman.’ These terms are used by both wedded parties. Sometimes they say also Endw-mata’lin (‘wife’s uncle’) and Eai’aw-mata’lin (‘wife’s aunt’).} — Brother-in-law.
auhn-mata’lin {Aa’k means ‘young man,’ e’us.qt means ‘woman.’ These terms are used by both wedded parties. Sometimes they say also Endw-mata’lin (‘wife’s uncle’) and Eai’aw-mata’lin (‘wife’s aunt’).} — Sister-in-law.
Taka’lhin — Husband of wife’s sister.
Umi’rit — Son-in-law’s or daughter-in-law’s father.
eumi’rit (‘woman umi’rit’) — Son-in-law’s or daughter-in-law’s mother.
Relatives by affinity are called collectively mata’lit (pl.) or mata’li-ra’mkin (‘affinity people’).
Men married to two sisters call each other taka’lhin. Taka’lhin more properly signifies ‘brace-companion,’ for instance, one of the two reindeer harnessed to the sledge. Pitka’-taka’lhin signifies ‘twin-brother’ (literally, ‘double-companion’). The degree of affinity thus indicated is considered to be very strong. In olden times it was considered even stronger than brotherhood. Taka’lhin kira’-y’amt-tmg’pu pa’ro signifies ‘man of the wife’s sister (is) of the old-male-brother beyond.’ An old proverb says, ‘Man of the wife’s sister is on the same lake shore a fall-companion’ (taka’lhin Enna’n-hi’thiliki rilte’l-t’mgin). This means that both are to fight and fall together. The Chukchee say that if one taka’lhin sees the blood of the other drawn by an enemy, he will rush forward again and again until his own body lies on the same spot. Perhaps this relation may be considered as a survival of group-marriage, although at present group-marriage between the taka’lhit exists but rarely. The group-marriage, and the degree of relationship based on it, will be described later on.
The family is designated as ra’yinn (‘houseful,’ or simply ‘those in the house’), yara’-t’mgit (‘house-mates’), but both these terms relate, properly speaking, to the house and those living in it. The house with those living in it forms the real basis of the Chukchee family. Members of the family who have left the house (or, among the Reindeer Chukchee, the camp) lose their connection with the household and also with the family.
The system of consanguinity and affinity is represented in the following table:
![[]](https://electronic-library.ru/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/ch01-2.jpg)
![[]](https://electronic-library.ru/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/ch02-2.jpg)
For the female the system is practically the same, except that in the table of affinity the taka’lhin (‘wife’s sister’s husband’) relation is not found.
The Family Group. — A group of kindred families is designated by the term va’rat (literally, ‘collection of those who are together’). Va is the root of the verb va’rkin (‘thou art’), -ret, -rat, signifies ‘collection’ (see p. 539). A member of the same family-group is called Ena’n-vara’tkn (‘one of the same va’rat’). In modern times, however, this term has acquired a broader meaning, and is used in the sense of ‘people,’ ‘folk,’ though for the latter idea there exists another word, re’mkin (‘people,’ ‘folk’). Still another term for the family-group is more characteristic. It is i’n-yinn (‘collection of those who take part in blood-revenge’). Cin is the stem of the word li’li (‘heart’ {In Chukchee phonetics and l often replace each other.}), but is used also for blood-revenge. Li’ilin means ‘blood-avenger.’ This term i’n-yirm is used frequently, because the vendetta still exists in full vigor.
The Chukchee va’rat may perhaps be called an embryo of a clan, it is unstable, however, and the number of families that ‘are together’ changes almost every year. Moreover, when one va’rat picks a quarrel with another one (usually one living in the neighborhood), there will always be a few families that are connected equally with both interested parties. The centre of the va’rat forms a group of brothers, and secondarily a group of cousins, both of which are called ‘a group of boys.’ A proverb says, ‘The group of boys is disposed to scoff’ (Kra’tihin mko’raqn). This means that numerous brothers who keep together may abuse any of their neighbors with impunity. On the other hand, the lonesome one (kuwli’kilin) is always downcast. He speaks humbly, he lives in poverty, and is subjected to the abuse of families consisting of many people.
In cases of blood-revenge, brothers and cousins are the first to come forward. For instance, in the year 1895, among the Chukchee of the Big Anui River, two young men of different families disputed over the dividing of a mammoth-tusk which they had found in the tundra. In the ensuing quarrel one of them picked up his rifle and shot at the other, though without success. A quarrel among the families ensued. The man shot at belonged to a numerous family, he had several uncles, each of whom had sons. He had also four adult brothers. The whole number of his male companions was twenty-two, and all of them were his nearest relatives. The offender, on the other hand, belonged to a small family. Therefore, when the offended family began to talk about revenge and threatened to attack the chief camp of their enemies, the offender left the camp and travelled sixty miles to the nearest Russian village. There he spent six or eight weeks, and felt wretched all the time, for the Reindeer Chukchee do not like to stay in Russian houses any longer than necessary, because the close air of the log-cabin, and the fish diet, are unbearable to them. During this time his people in the camp negotiated with the other party, and in the end the affair was smoothed over, even without ransom, since the pride of the offended family was satisfied with the flight ,of the other man and his wretched life among the Russians. It will be noticed that the quarrel was settled between the families, not between the family-groups.
In another case of a similar kind, nine members of the offended family came to the offender to make a demonstration of their strength. All were brothers, cousins and uncles of the offended one. It came to the drawing of knives, though no blood was shed.
Once in my presence two young Chukchee wrestled, and one vanquished the other. I mentioned before that wrestling-matches lead to quarrels among this excitable people. The father of the vanquished wrestler, who was present, grew very angry, and said to the victor, ‘Wait a while! Do you take us for a bad family, brotherless and cousinless? This young man has seven brothers. They are quite young now, but they will grow up, and all of them will be against you.’
In folk-stories, blood-revenge and retaliation for insults are also undertaken, almost always by near relatives only. {Further details will be given when dealing with blood-revenge.}
The organization of the Reindeer Chukchee camp depends upon the relations of the family-group. The Chukchee camp has a front house, the place of which is determined by the seniority of its owner. Other houses are located according to certain rules, based for the most part on the mutual family relations of the owners. For all that, the organization of the camp is unstable and loose, just as much so as that of the Chukchee family-group. {See Chapter XX.}
In former times a union of ‘those that are together’ was of a stricter character and really formed something like a clan. A unit of this kind included ten or fifteen families, who always camped near together. In summer, when near the seashore, they formed usually one large camp. Some of the young men were with the herd, which at that time was not numerous. The others were occupied with fishing and seal-hunting. {This state of things still exists among those of the Maritime Koryak of the Pacific shore who also have reindeer-herds. Each village forms a separate family-group.} The people occupied their leisure time with athletic exercise, wrestling, running, fencing with spears, etc. They were more ready for war, which was more frequent than it is now. In war the family-group acted as a unit against all other parties.
The Russian officials of the Kolyma country, when endeavoring to bring the Chukchee under Russian allegiance, treated them in the same way as the Yakut and the Tungus of eastern Siberia. These tribes had strictly organized clans (родъ, pl. роды), which could not intermingle as readily as the Chukchee va’rat. The Cossacks and their chiefs, when subjugating these tribes, taxed each clan separately. Therefore Russian officials, when trying to levy tribute on the Chukchee, invented clans and even clan-chiefs. {Sarytcheff knew the political organization of the tribe. He wrote, ‘The Chukchee have no chiefs or authorities. Each community has a man who is richer than the others, or who has a larger family, but he also is little obeyed and has no right to punish anybody’ (Sarytcheff, Journey in the Northeastern Part of Siberia, II, p. 107).} Baron von Maydell, who was the chief official of the Kolyma district in 1868—70, even invented a new rank and title, ‘The Highest Chief of all the Chukchee.’ This sounds almost royal, and, indeed, the Russians sometimes called the person having this rank ‘Chukchee King,’ ‘Black King of the Tundra,’ ‘Chukchee Czar.’ All this was quite imaginary. The family that was given this title was simply a rich reindeer-breeding family with some influence among its neighbors. I lived with this family for a few months, and shall speak of it later on in greater detail. {See Chapter XXIII.}
The clans introduced by the Russians were also invented, and had no standing in the aboriginal organization of the tribe. The whole territory of the Chukchee was divided into five parts, and each of these parts, with the people living in it, was called a ‘clan.’ Some rich reindeer-breeder among those friendly disposed to the Russians was called ‘chief,’ and that was all. The Chukchee living beyond the sphere of influence of the Russian officials in the tundra to the west of the Chaun River and on the Chukchee Peninsula, reindeer-breeders and maritime hunters, were called ‘the maritime clan.’ Even the tribute was nominal, — 247 rubles from all the clans’, — though the Chukchee tribe has several thousand adult men. This tribute is paid in the following way. In the parts of the territory nearest to the Russian settlements, at least every other family pays a tribute of one ruble. It is understood that this sum represents the tribute of one man, as among the Tungus and the Yakut, {Maydell also tried to introduce among the Reindeer Chukchee a tribute of half a ruble from a boy under sixteen years, but this attempt was not successful. So the tribute which at first was settled as 316 rubles was lowered to 247 rubles. At the same time Maydell tried to take a census of the Reindeer Chukchee. The figures of his census are 476 men and 369 women, total 845. He is quite well aware, however, of the deficiencies of this census. He does not even give these figures in his book. I borrowed them from the documents of the Archives of Kolyma.} but, as I have said, it is not true. The tribute is paid by a family, and not all the families pay, either. Those that are unfriendly to the Russians do not pay anything. The Tungus, the Yakut, the Kamchadal, pay per capita, and also for all those that are dead. Since many branches of these tribes have greatly diminished in number, the tribute becomes very heavy, sometimes quite abnormal. The Russianized Yukaghir and Yakut of the Lower Kolyma, until very recently, had to pay eleven rubles for each male. No such thing is possible among the Chukchee. The greater the distance from Russian villages, the smaller the number of families who are willing to pay tribute. The largest portion of the tribute allotted to each clan is paid by the so-called ‘chief.’ It is not so very difficult for a rich Chukchee to pay thirty or fifty rubles. He takes a couple of bear-skins and some good fox-skins to the trader, and receives for them the money to pay his tribute.
Among the Maritime Chukchee and the Asiatic Eskimo, groups consisting of family units are still smaller than among the Reindeer people. The real units of social life among the Maritime people are the family and the village. Many of the villages are of course inhabited by relatives, especially among the Eskimo, who, as mentioned before, {Compare p. 494.} are less inclined than the Chukchee to wander from village to village. Many other villages, Chukchee and Eskimo, consist, however, of elements of distinct provenience. For instance, the village of e’in consists of Eskimo, of Maritime Chukchee, and of a large admixture of Reindeer Chukchee who have lost their herds and have settled on the shore. Some of the villages have front houses, and others have none. On the whole, the village is a territorial unit. Neither has it any organization, beyond the fact that the inhabitants are neighbors and are friendly among themselves. Related families appear as units in the organization of the boat-crew. {See Chapter XXI.}
Family. — The Chukchee family usually consists of a husband, with one or several wives and their children. Generally the parents of the man live near by in a lodging of their own, and with them may live younger sons and daughters, who are not yet married, or, if married, have no children. Their house is dependent on the larger one, and is considered as belonging to the ‘houseful.’
Position of Old People. — Old men usually enjoy great consideration. Especially is this the case among the reindeer-breeding part of the tribe, perhaps because the herd is the property of the father as long as he lives. It seems that among all nomadic tribes there is a tendency to develop strong family and family-group ties, and that with this phenomenon is connected the high position of the old men of the family. Although I cannot make the general assertion that the organization of family and family-group is more highly developed among the Reindeer Chukchee than among the Maritime tribe, it seems that in special cases this is really the case. Reindeer-raising is probably not old enough among the Chukchee to have brought about a marked difference between the two branches of the people. In many camps in various parts of the territory of the Chukchee I have met very old men, perhaps of seventy or even eighty years, at least, their hair was altogether white, which change seems to occur among the Chukchee later than among the white race. Some of these old men were almost in their dotage, still they had retained possession of the herd and the general direction of life in their camps. For instance, in a camp on the Oloi River, a man named Kau’no, who had great-grand-nephews ten years old, owned two large herds, and decided himself the most important question in the seasonal migration of the Chukchee, that of choosing the place of abode for the summer-time. Though enfeebled by age, he still made the April trip to the Wolverene River every spring for barter with the maritime traders from the Arctic villages, who come there at that time, bringing maritime products and American wares. Kau’no’s own housemates told me that the old man had grown childish and often purchased things of little use in their life. Instead of sugar he took bottled molasses, because it was red, and red pleased his eye, he bought table-knives instead of hunting-knives, because they are brighter, etc. This was told, however, with broad grins, and without any visible signs of protest. ‘Foolish one!’ (Yurgumte’q) they added quite good-humoredly. ‘What is to be done? He is an old man!’ (Qailo’qim, mi’kri, inpina’hin). And I am quite sure that Kau’no kept the direction of his house till his natural end. Another old man of sixty on the Dry Anui had a dislocation of the hip-joint, which was altogether out of service in walking. He could only crawl about with the aid of two crutches. Therefore his name was Atka’-Paa’nto (‘Lame Paa’nto’). His lameness dated from a bad fall in a wrestling-match in which he took part. He was then married and the owner of a herd. He continued to be the master of his herd and the head of his family, and had several children, who grew up and took care of the herd. Every year he would go to the Anui fair for barter, carrying along peltries and reindeer-skins. He was very fond of strong liquor, bought it every time, and drank most of it himself, giving to each of the other members of his family only a few drops.
At fairs and gatherings for trade, whenever I visited a camp for the first time, those who came to meet me would say, ‘Let us take you to the oldest man. Talk first to him.’ Baron von Maydell mentions that when he travelled in the country near the Upper Anadyr, a very old man from a remote camp, who came to meet him, was carried for a long distance on the shoulders of his young relatives. {See Maydell, I, p. 520.} This happened in summer, when sledges cannot be used. This is nothing unusual among the Chukchee, though usually the old man walks as long as he can, then he is carried for a while. After that, a short rest is taken, and he walks again. Even among the Maritime Chukchee, where the old men enjoy less consideration, those that cannot walk are carried on the shoulders of their young relatives. Thus, at Mariinsky Post I saw an old man with crutches, a certain Yir’mE, who had his feet badly frozen in an accident during the winter seal-hunting. This happened some fifteen years ago. Now Yir’mE is old, and unable to move about much, even with the aid of crutches. Whenever he has to be moved, his own son-in-law carries him on his shoulders.
I mentioned just now that among the Maritime Chukchee consideration for old men is not so marked as among the reindeer-breeders. The life of the maritime people is harder. Each morsel of food has to be obtained by great exertion, by danger and hardship: therefore an old man, unable to get his store of food himself, becomes a charge on other people. There is no herd or other property worthy of much attention. The experience of an old hunter does not count for much when he remains at home, and in times of privation he is one too many to feed, therefore the old men whom I met among the Maritime Chukchee looked dull and sad, nor were they as numerous as among the Reindeer Chukchee. This was due perhaps to the hardships of maritime life, the less active hunters being often unable to meet danger, and thus losing their lives. The killing of old people, of which I shall speak later on, probably originated among the Maritime Chukchee. {I know of fewer cases of such killing among the Maritime Chukchee, as compared to those among the Reindeer branch of the tribe, but this is probably due only to my shorter acquaintance with the Maritime people.}
It seems that a similar difference, though less apparent, exists between the Reindeer and the Maritime Koryak. Mr. Jochelson, in speaking of the treatment of old people by the Koryak, remarks that among the Reindeer Koryak the new form of household economy has developed the principle of personal property more sharply. {Compare Jochelson, The Koryak, Vol. VI of this series, p. 759.} In an oral communication he mentioned that in reality among the Reindeer Koryak the old men have more authority than among the Maritime Koryak, because of their ownership of reindeer-herds, which remains in their hands.
In recent times, property of value obtained in trade with American whalers appeared even among the Maritime Chukchee. Almost every large village has several traders, who go inland to the reindeer camps and barter white men’s ware for skins and reindeer-meat. Some of them even have storehouses of their own, others are poorer, and sometimes their capital is small indeed. The owners of this property, though ever so old, continue to hold it, and their position in life does not become lower with increasing age.
Position of Women. — The position of women, on the whole, is inferior to that of the men. ‘Since you are a woman, be silent’ (e’us.qt tu’ri, qu’like) — these words are repeated every time that a woman severely reproved dares to say a word back in her own defence.
In one tale a girl who came to a ke’le proposes herself as a wife for him in the following words: ‘I want to be your companion and your slave. My mother said to me, ‘That ke’lE there has no slave. We will raise you as quickly as possible. Go to him and serve him.» {Bogoras, Chukchee Materials, p. 195.}
Among the Reindeer Chukchee, women work much harder than men, especially the younger ones. The man’s part of the work is the herding, catching, and slaughtering of animals, the hunt, carrying of heavy logs and of the stones necessary to hold the tent firmly in place, also work on wood with axe, hatchet, and knife, etc. The harnessing of the reindeer is done by both sexes, also carrying fuel from the bush, and chopping wood and ice. The loading and unloading of sledges is performed for the most part by women. The care of the house, which in the nomadic life of an arctic climate requires almost uninterrupted hard toil, falls wholly to the share of the women, also skinning and butchering, gathering roots, preparing food, dressing skins, making garments, and much more, not to speak of the duties of the mother. Moreover, man almost never shares in the woman’s part of the work, he does not even know how it is performed. Often, when wandering with a Chukchee camp, I had occasion to go to the newly chosen spot with the male members of the family. We drove on light sledges, and therefore arrived long before the women, who crept along slowly behind with the pack-sledges. Sometimes the difference of time was about two hours or two and a half, but the men would only unharness their reindeer, then they would loiter idly about waiting for the women, or begin some kind of men’s work. Once in my presence a man took a snow-scraper and began to scrape the place for the tent, but after a couple of minutes he threw away the scraper. ‘Ugh!’ he said, ‘this is woman’s work.’ When I was trying to learn the Chukchee language, and took care to collect new words from every one, I found, to my great amazement, that young men did not know the names of some parts of the house-frame, house utensils, preparations for dressing skins, etc. ‘Ugh!’ they would say, ‘I don’t know. That is the women’s business.’
In the every-day life, the man, when at home, is idle, or occupies his time with the inspection of sledges, repairing their broken parts, etc. The women take care of everything in the tent and in the sleeping-room. After the reindeer is slaughtered, the woman has to skin it and butcher it, then she must carry everything to its proper place. She prepares the food, and presents it to her husband. She cuts off the best, and takes what is left, gnaws the bones, gathers
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